sábado, 8 de agosto de 2009
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Berserker - Vikings: Their world & Gods
http://www.angelfire.com/realm/shades/vikings/berserker.htm
Información:
Berserk
- Berserk adjective aggressive or angry: extremely aggressive or angry go berserk
- [Early 19th century. From Old Norse berserk "wild warrior," probably from the stem of bjorn "bear" + serkr "shirt," because either they wore bearskins or were fierce like bears.]
Berserker
- Frenzied Norse warrior: a member of a group of Norse warriors who fought with wild unrestrained aggression.
- Legendary Scandinavian warrior, whose frenzy in battle transformed him into a wolf or bear.
Encarta® World English Dictionary [North American Edition] © & (P) 2001 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved. Developed for Microsoft by Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.
See also my Werewolf Chapter
Berserks
In old-Norse sagas, they were warriors who dressed themselves in bear skins, to make use of the fear common people had for wild animals. They whipped themselves up to a sort of battle frenzy, biting their shields and howling like animals. They were ferocious fighters and seemingly insensitive to pain while this madness lasted; berserks made formidable enemies. In their rage they even attacked the boulders and trees of the forest; it was not uncommon that they killed their own people. The belief in berserks can be compared with the belief in werewolves; both are magical transformations of humans who assume the shape of an kindred animal.
from the Encyclopedia Mythica
Description of the Berserk
The modern popular conception of the Viking warrior is one of a murderous savage, clad in animal skins, howling into battle. This conception probably owes more to literary tradition than to historical fact: it reflects not the ordinary Scandinavian warriors, but rather a special group of fighters known as *berserks* or *berserkers*.
The etymology of the term *berserk* is disputed. It may mean "*bare*-sark," as in "bare of shirt" and refer to the berserker's habit of going unarmored into battle. Ynglingasaga records this tradition, saying of the warriors of Odhinn that "they went without coats of mail, and acted like mad dogs and wolves" (Snorri Sturluson. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway. trans. Lee M. Holander. Austin: U of Texas P. 1964. p.10).
Others have contended that the term should be read "*bear*-sark," and describes the animal-skin garb of ther berserker. Grettirs Saga calls King Harald's berserkers "Wolf-Skins," and in King Harald's Saga they are called *ulfhedinn* or "wolf-coats," a term which appears in Vatnsdoela Saga and Hrafnsmal (Hilda R. Ellis-Davidson,"Shape-Changing in the Old Norse Sagas, " in Animals in Folklore. eds. J.R. Porter and W.M.S. Russell. Totowa NJ: Rowman and Littlefield. 1978. pp. 132-133), as well as in Grettirs Saga (Denton Fox and Hermann Palsson, trans. Grettir's Saga." Toronto: U of Toronto P. 1961. p. 3).
The berserker is closely associated in many respects with the god Odhinn. Adam of Bremen in describing the Allfather says, "Wodan --- id est furor" or "Wodan --- that means fury." The name Odhinn derives from the Old Norse *odur*. This is related to the German *wut*, "rage, fury," and to the Gothic *wods*, "possessed" (Georges Dumezil. The Destiny of the Warrior. Chicago, U of Chicago P. 1969. p. 36). This certainly brings to mind the madness associated with the berserker, and other Odhinnic qualities are seen to be possessed by the berserk. Ynglingasaga recounts that Odhinn could shape-shift into the form of a bird, fish, or wild animal (Snorri Sturluson, p. 10). The berserker, too, was often said to change into bestial form, or at least to assume the ferocious qualities of the wolf or bear. Kveldulfr in Egils Saga Skallagrimsonar was spoken of as a shapechanger (Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, trans. Egil's Saga. NY: Penguin. 1976. p. 21), and Hrolf's Saga tells of the hero Bjarki, who takes on the shape of a bear in battle:
Men saw that agreat bear went before King Hrolf's men, keeping always near the king. He slew more men with his forepaws than any five of the king's champions. Blades and weapons glanced off him, and he brought down both men and horses in King Hjorvard's forces, and everything which came in his path he crushed to death with his teeth, so that panic and terror swept through King Hjorvard's army..." (Gwyn Jones. Eirik the Red and Other Icelandic Sagas. NY: Oxford U.P. 1961. p. 313).
Dumezil refers to this phenomenon as the *hamingja* ("spirit" or "soul") or *fylgja* ("spirit form") of the berserker, which may appear in animal form in dreams or in visions, as well as in reality (Georges Dumezil. Gods of the Ancient Northmen. Los Angeles: U of California P. 1973. p. 142).
The berserk was sometimes inherently possessed of this immunity, or performed spells to induce it, or even had special powers to blunt weapons by his gaze. Many tales say of their berserkers, "no weapon could bite them" or "iron could not bite into him." This immunity to weapons may also have been connected with the animal-skin garments worn by the berserk. As we saw above, while in animal form, "blades and weapons glanced off" Bodvar Bjarki. Similarly, Vatnsdoela Saga says that "those ebrserks who were called *ulfhednar* had wolf shirts for mail-coats" (Ellis-Davidson, "Shape Changing," p. 133). This concept of immunity may have evolved from the berserker's rage, during which the berserk might receive wounds, but due to his state of frenzy take no note of them until the madness passed from him. A warrior who continued fighting while bearing mortal wounds would surely have been a terrifying opponent.
It is likely that the berserk was actually a member of the cult of Odhinn. The practices of such a cult would have been a secret of the group's initiates, although the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII refers in his Book of Ceremonies to a "Gothic Dance" performed by members of his Varangian guard, who took part wearing animal skins and masks: this may have been connected with berserker rites Hilda R. Ellis-Davidson. Pagan Scandinavia. NY: Frederick A. Praeger. 1967. p. 100). This type of costumed dance is also seen in figures from Swedish helmet plates and scabbard ornaments, which depict human figures with the heads of bears or wolves, dressed in animal skins but having human hands and feet. These figures often carry spears or swords, and are depicted as running or dancing. One plate from Torslunda, Sweden, may show the figure of Odhinn dancing with such a bear figure.
Other ritual practices attributed to berserks may represent the initiation of the young warrior into a band of berserkers. Such bands are mentioned in the sagas, oftentimes numbering twelve warriors. Another commin feature of these bands is the name of the leaser, which is often "Bjorn" or a variant, meaning 'bear." The form of this initiation is a battle, either real or simulated, with a bear or other fearsome adversary. Grettirs Saga tells of a situation of this sort, when a man named Bjorn throws Grettir's cloak into the den of a bear. Grettir slays the bear, recovers his claok, and returns with the bear's paw as a token of his victory (Fox and Palsson, pp. 62-67). Bodvar Bjarki has a protege, Hjalti, who undergoes a simulated encounter as his initiation in Hrolf's Saga. Bodvar first slays a dragon-like beast, then sets its skin up on a frame. Hjalti then "attacks" the beast and symbolically kills it before witnesses, earning his place among the warriors (Jones, pp. 282-285). Bronze helmet plates from locations in Sweden and designs upon the Sutton Hoo pyrse lid seem to show examples of these initiatory encounters, where a human figure is seen grappling with one, or often two, bear-like animals (Margaret A. Arent. "The Heroic Pattern: Old German Helmets, Beowulf, and Grettis Saga." in Old Norse Literature and Mythology. ed. Edgar C. Polome. Austin, U of Texas P. 1969. pp. 133-139).
Modern scholars believe that certain examples of berserker rage to have been induced coluntarily by the consumption of drugs such as the hallucinogenic mushroom *Amanita muscaria* (Howard D. Fabing. "On Going Berserk: A Neurochemical Inquiry." Scientific Monthly. 83 [Nov. 1956] p. 232), or massive quantities of alcohol (Robert Wernick. The Vikings. Alexandria VA: Time-Life Books. 1979. p. 285). While such practices would fit in with ritual usages, other explanations for the berserker's madness have been put forward, including self-induced hysteria, epilepsy, mental illness or genetic flaws (Peter G. Foote and David m. Wilson. the Viking Achievement. London: Sidgewick & Jackson. 1970. p. 285).
The physical appearance of the berserk was one calculated to present an image of terror. Dumezil draws parallels between the berserk and the tribe of Harii mentioned in Tacitus's Germania who used not only "natural ferocity" but also dyed their bodues to cause panic and terror in their enemies, just as the berserk combined his fearsome reputation with animal skin dress to suggest the terrifying metamorphosis of the shape changer (Dumezil, Destiny of the Warriro, p. 141). Indeed, berserkers had much in common with those thought to be werewolves. Ulf, a retired berserker, is mentioned in this light in Egils saga Skallagrimsonar:
But every day, as it drew towards evening, he would grow so ill-tempered that no-one could speak to him, and it wasn't long before he would go to bed. There was talk about his being a shape-changer, and people called him Kveld-Ulf ["Evening Wolf"] (Palsson and Edwards, Egil's Saga, p.21).
In the sagas, berserks are often described as being fantastically ugly, often being mistaken for trolls, as were Skallagrim and his kinsmen in Egils saga Skallagrimsonar (Palsson and Edwards, Egil's Saga, p. 66). Egil himself is described as being "black-haired and as ugly as his father" (Ibid., p. 79), and at a feast in the court of the English king Athelstan, Egil is said to have made such terrible faces that Athelstan was forced to give him a gold ring to make him stop:
His eyes were black and his eyebrows joined in the middle. He refused to touch a drink even though people were serving him, and did nothing but pull his eyebrows up and down, now this one, now the other.. (Ibid., pp. 128-129).
Going Berserk - a Description of the Berserkergang
The actual fit or madness the berserk experienced was known as *berserkergang*. This condition is described as follows:
This fury, which was called berserkergang, occurred not only in the heat of battle, but also during laborious work. Men who were thus seized performed things which otherwise seemed impossible for human power. This condition is said to have begun with shivering, chattering of the teeth, and chill in the body, and then the face swelled and changed its color. With this was connected a great hot-headedness, which at last gave over into a great rage, under which they howled as wild animals, bit the edge of their shields, and cut down everything they met without dicriminating bewteen friend or foe. When this condition ceased, a great dulling of the mind and feeble- ness followed, which could last for one or several days (Fabing, p. 234).
During the berserkergang, the berserk seemed to lose all human reason, a condition in which he could not distinguish between friend and enemy, and which was marked by animalistic screaming. In Arrow-Odd's Saga, Odd remarks upon hearing a group of berserkers, "Sometimes I seem to hear a bull bellowing or a dog howling, and sometimes it's like people screaming" (Edwards and Palsson, Arrow-Odd, p. 40).
Another characteristic of berserkergang was the great strength showed by the berserk. This strength was sometimes expressed in the sagas by describing the berserker as a giant or as a troll. The berserker was thought not only to have assumed the ferocity of an animal, but also to have acquired the strength of the bear. In token of this, the berserk might assume a "bear name," that is, a name containing the element *bjorn* or *biorn*, such as Gerbiorn, Gunbiorn, Arinbiorn, Esbiorn or Thorbiorn (Saxo Grammaticus. The History fo the Danes. trans. Peter Fisher. Totowa NJ: Rowman and Littlefield. 1979. Vol II, p. 95). Bjarki, whose name means "Little Bear," was said to actually take the shape of the bear in combat.
To gain this bear-like strength, the berserk might drink the blood of a bear or wolf (Ibid., p. 45):
Straight away bring your throat to its steaming blood and devour the feast of its body with ravenous jaws. Then new force will enter your frame, an unlooked-for vigor will come to your muscles, accumulation of solid strength soak through every sinew" (Saxo, Vol. I, p. 25).
The aftermath of the berserkergang was characterized by complete physical disability. Egils saga Skallagrimssonar says:
What peoplke say about shape-changers or those who go into berserk fits is this: that as long as they're in the frenzy they're so strong that nothing is too much for them, but as soon as they're out of it they become much weaker than normal. That's how it was with Kveldulf; as soon as the frenzy left him he felt so worn out by the battle he'd been fighting, and grew so weak as a result of it all that he had to take to his bed (Palsson and Edwards, Egil's Saga, p. 72).
A common technique used by saga heroes to overcome berserks was to catch them after their madness had left them, as Hjalmar and Arrow-Odd do in Herverar Saga, and slay the berserkers while they lay in their enfeebled state after their fury (Christopher Tolkein, trans. The Saga of King Heidrek the Wise. NY: Thomas Nelson & Sons. 1960. pp. 5-7).
The Role of the Berserker in Viking Society
The berserker's place in society was limited by the terror and violence that was associated with berserkergang. As superb warriors, they were due admiration. However, their tendency to turn indicriminately upon their friends while the madness was upon them went squarely against the heroic ethic, which demanded loyalty and fidelity to one's friends. The berserk skirted the classification of *ni(dh)ingr*, one who was the lowest of men and the object of hate and scorn. An eleventh-century monument raised in Soderby in Uppland, Sweden in memory of a brother reads: "And Sassur killed him and did the deed of a *nidingr* --- he betrayed his comrade" (Foote and Wilson, p. 426).
The primary role of the berserk was as a warrior attacked to a king's army. Both King Harald and King Halfdan had berserker shock-troops. Aside from their military value, the berserker's ties to Odhinn would have been welcome in a royal army, since Odhinn also had a particular association with rulership, being venerated in Anglo-Saxon England as the ancestor of chieftains, and throughout the North as god of kings and protector of their royal power (Dumezil, Gods of the Ancient Northmen, p. 26). Outside of this role, however, the berserker became the stock villain of the sagas, typified as murderous, stupid brutes, or as one modern critic has it, "a predatory group of brawlers and killers who disrupted the peace of the Viking community repeatedly" (Fabing, p. 232). Saxo Grammaticus speaks of such a band in his Gesta Danorum:
The young warriors would harry and pillage the neighborhood, and frequently spilt great quantities of blood. They considered it manly and proper to devastate homes, cut down cattle, rifle everything and take away vast hauls of booty, burn to the ground houses they had sacked, and butcher men and women indicriminately" (Saxo, Vol. I, p. 163).
In addition to their warlike activities within their communities, berserkers are characterized by their sexual excesses, carrying off wives, daughters and betrothed maids who then must be rescued by the heroes of the sagas.
It was no doubt due to these excesses of the berserker that resulted in their demise. In 1015 King Erik outlawed berserks, along with *holmganga* or duels (Fabing, p. 235): it had become a common practice for a berserker to challenge men of property to holmgang, and upon slaying the unfortunate victim, to take possession of his goods, wealth, and women. This was a difficult tactic to counter, since a man so challenged had to appear, have a champion fight for him, or else be named *ni(dh)ingr* and coward.
National Geographic LOTR - Languaje & Culture
http://www.nationalgeographic.com/ngbeyond/rings/language.html
Información:
Cultural and Linguistic Conservation
What does it mean when one culture changes or vanishes from the Earth? How does a language influence or embody a given culture? And what does it mean to a people, or to the rest of the world, when a language dies?
Many believe that the world is experiencing a mass extinction of cultures, and that a loss of one culture—the collective intellect, memory, and values of a people transmitted from one generation to the next through language, stories, and art and other objects—is as profound as the loss of a biological species.
One of the best indicators of the health of the world's cultures may be the state of its languages—and many are rapidly disappearing. Cultural anthropologist and National Geographic Explorer-in-Residence Wade Davis explains: "A language isn't just a body of vocabulary or a set of grammatical rules. It is a flash of the human spirit, a vehicle though which the soul of a particular culture comes into the material world. And when we lose a language, we lose a vital element of the human dream."
Despair over the loss of cultures and languages resonates throughout Tolkien's narrative in The Lord of the Rings. The Elves are disappearing from Middle-earth. High and Common Elvish, languages that few outside of the Elves speak or understand, are vanishing along with thousands of years of Elvish culture and knowledge.
Likewise, the cultural realm of the Dwarves is dwindling, with only a few strongholds remaining. And though in many ways the hobbits live an idyllic life, they are culturally isolated and have little knowledge of the outside world—a characteristic that threatens to destroy them.
Yet it is from the hobbits—thought of by Elves and Dwarves as insignificant and powerless—that hope arises against the threat of extinction for all of Middle-earth's cultures.
Tolkien's Love of Languages
Tolkien was a scholar with deep knowledge of languages both modern and ancient. His mother introduced him to the study of languages and cultures by teaching him Latin, French, and German at home; he expanded into others when he entered grammar school. He continued to learn many other languages throughout his schooling and career, including Welsh, Finnish, and Old Norse.
Tolkien's fascination with language and culture resonates throughout The Lord of the Rings. Professor of English Jane Chance explains that Tolkien was enchanted by language and by the power of language:
Tolkien well understood the power of the written and spoken word, philologist that he was—he knew that words were magic. ... For Tolkien, words provide the means to unify and extend the social community, to understand the various species of nature, and to cross the boundaries of time (past and present) and space (the equivalent of earthly supernal, and infernal in Middle-earth).*
One of the most vivid expressions of Tolkien's ability and interest in languages was the creation of his own. Over the course of his life he invented several languages, such as Elvish (including Quenya and Sindarin), Dwarvish (Khuzdul), Entish, and Black Speech.
For Tolkien, language was the beginning of a culture rather than merely a product of it. "The invention of languages," he wrote, "is the foundation. The 'stories' were made rather to provide a world for the languages than the reverse."**
Many character and place names in The Lord of the Rings are related to words from old and modern languages. In his book Hobbits, Elves, and Wizards, Michael N. Stanton provides examples of the historical links for some of Tolkien's characters and settings. A few examples follow:
- Saruman's name derives from the Anglo-Saxon, or Old English, root "searu-" for "treachery" or "cunning."
- "Sauron" is linked to the Old Norse or Icelandic stem meaning "filth" or "dung" or "uncleanness."
- "Mordor" derives from the Old English word "morthor," which means "murder."
- "Middle-earth" is related to the name "middan-geard," which was the name for the Earth itself in Old English poetry and was considered to be the battleground between the forces of good and evil.***
Tolkien's High Elvish language, Quenya, was inspired by Finnish. Tolkien taught himself Finnish in order to read the Kalevala, a 19th-century compilation of old Finnish songs and stories arranged by Elias Lönnrot into a linear epic poem and completed in 1835 and revised in the mid-1800s.
The Kalevala epic parallels the real history of the Finns. It played a key role in preserving the oral legends and songs of the Finns, which linguists think date back to preagricultural Finland. As cultural anthropologist Wade Davis notes, "it goes back to the time of the shaman ... when people lived by poetry of an oral tradition. ... By definition, the entire language was the vocabulary of the best storyteller." In 2001 Wade Davis traveled to Finland to meet Jussi Juovinen, one of Finland's last great rune singers, and to hear him sing the Kalevala. Juovinen began to learn the poems from the elders of his village when he was a child and committed the songs to memory.
Hear part of the Kalevala.
The publication of the Kalevala helped protect the ancient Finnish poems and the Finnish language itself, while helping to solidify a sense of national identity among many Finns. Although Finnish is now safeguarded by its status as a national language, it was once in danger of fading, as are many languages today.
Some experts believe as many as 10,000 languages were once spoken around the world. Today around 6,000 languages remain, and that number could be reduced to 3,000 in the next hundred years.
Tolkien created Middle-earth as a home for his invented languages. Just as the artistry, beauty, and essence of the Kalevala is intricately tied to the Finnish language, each invented language in The Lord of the Rings plays a seminal role in the evolution of events and development of the characters in Tolkien's story.
Examples of Tolkien's Languages in The Lord of the Rings
• Black Speech: "Ash nazg durbatulûk, ash nazg gimbatul, ash nazg thrakatulûk agh burzum-ishi krimpatul—One Ring to rule them all, One Ring to find them, One Ring to bring them all and in the darkness bind them"
• Quenya: "Elen sila lûmenn' omentielvo—A star shines on the hour of our meeting" (
• Dwarvish: "Khazâd-ai-mênu!—The Dwarves are upon you!"
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES
- Books
Noel, Ruth S. The Languages of Middle-earth. Houghton Mifflin, 1980.
Stanton, Michael N. Hobbits, Elves, and Wizards. Palgrave, 2001.
Web sites
The Elvish Linguistic Fellowship
A Web site devoted to the scholarly study of the invented languages of J.R.R. Tolkien
Viena Karelian Folklore Villages
More about the past and future of Finland's rich folklore legacy
*Reprinted from The Lord of the Rings: The Mythology of Power, (Revised Edition, by Jane Chance, copyright 2001) by permission of the University Press of Kentucky
**Reprinted from J.R.R. Tolkien: Author of the Century, (by T.A. Shippey, copyright 2001) by permission of Houghton Mifflin
***Reprinted from Hobbits, Elves, and Wizards: Exploring the Wonders and Worlds of J.R.R. Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings, (by Michael N. Stanton, copyright 2001) by permission of Palgrave
Who is Loki? - Wisegeek
http://www.wisegeek.com/who-is-loki.htm
Información:
Loki is one of the more famous figures in Scandinavian mythology, thanks to his mischievous nature. He is the trickster of the Norse gods, constantly upsetting the balance of the world and relations between the gods. Unfortunately for Loki, he took his pranks too far, and ended up chained to a rock until the end of the world.
Many traditional mythologies have a trickster god, who often facilitates change, as well as undertaking heroic actions to save other gods or mortals. In the beginning, this was Loki's role among the Norse gods. He is the son of two giants, Farbauti and Laufey, although he quickly tricked his way into the pantheon of Norse gods, called the Aesir. His presence was not always welcome: Loki was known to invade parties that he had not been invited to, demanding food and drink.
Loki has an assortment of children from a variety of goddesses, thanks to his three wives and wandering nature. His children include Jormungand, the Earth circling serpent, Hel, the underworld goddess, and Fenrir the giant wolf. These three children are prophesied to play an important role in the end of the world, known as Ragnarok. One of his more famous children is Sleipnir, an eight legged stallion that Loki actually gave birth to while in the form of a mare, and gave to Odin as a gift.
In addition to making trouble, Loki also sometimes assisted the gods with finding valuable tools, such as Thor's hammer. He also used his craftiness to get several members of the Aesir, including Freya, out of tight spots. The two companions most frequently seen with Loki were Odin and Thor, who often benefited from Loki's clever tricks and manipulations. Loki, of course, sometimes turned the tables on the two gods, embarrassing them in front of the other Aesir.
While living among the gods, Loki's tricks ranged from silly to sometimes cruel. In addition to being a trickster, Loki is also known as a shape shifter, and sometimes takes on the form of other animals or people in the stories told about him. His chameleon like nature allowed him to get away with a wide variety of pranks on the gods, sometimes with the unwitting assistance of other deities.
Loki took his trickster nature too far, however, when he was involved in the death of Baldur, the god of light. To punish him, the other gods chained him to a rock in the world underneath a giant serpent who continually drips venom that causes Loki to writhe in agony. According to Norse tradition, this is what causes earthquakes. When Ragnarok arrives, Loki will be set free to wreak havoc on the world once more.
Norse Literature
http://www.hurstwic.org/history/articles/literature/text/literature.htm
Información:
Norse Literature

13th century manuscript
Our knowledge of the Norse people comes from several sources. One valuable source is the literature from the period. Norse people must have loved stories, and some of the stories and poems they and their descendants wrote about themselves still survive. Stories about the Norsemen were also written by their contemporaries, including both their trading partners (such as the Arabs) and the victims of their raids (such as the Christian clerics who kept the historical records in Europe). This section describes written records the Norse people left behind.
The Norsemen spoke Old Norse, which they called dönsk tunga (the Danish tongue). With minor variations, this language was spoken throughout the Norse lands during the Viking period. Old Norse is one of ten branches that make up the Indo-European family of languages which have been spoken throughout Europe and southern Asia for the last 3000 years. Old Norse is the root language from which the modern Scandinavian languages descended, and is a close relative of modern English, Dutch, and German.
During the period from 550-750 AD, rapid linguistic changes occurred, which separated the Norse from other Germanic people on the European continent to the south and west. During the Viking age, language was no barrier to communication across the Norse lands; from Greenland to the Baltic, nearly the same language was spoken throughout. However, there is evidence that, despite the common language, a man's homeland could be identified by his accent. Some scholars today would go further and say that by the start of the Norse era, significant differences already existed between East Norse (Sweden and Denmark) and West Norse (Norway and the Atlantic settlements such as Iceland).

The futhork runic alphabet (so called for the sounds of the first six letters in the alphabet) was in wide use throughout northern Europe from roughly the 3rd to the 12th century. At first, 24 letters were used, but in the 9th century, the futhork alphabet was simplified to 16 letters, beginning in Denmark, then spreading throughout the region. Many variations of the futhork alphabet were used; one of the Danish variants is shown above.
![]() | All the letters consist of straight lines, making them easy to carve into wood, bone, or stone, which were the normal writing materials among the Norse. Runes are found carved into historical buildings and statuary not just in northern Europe, but all across the continent, clearly showing the extent to which the Norsemen roamed over Europe. The marble lion shown in the sketch to the left is from outside Piraeus, near Athens, where some unknown Norse traveler carved runic graffiti into the shoulder of the beast. Judging from the number of inscriptions on stones intended to be seen and read, and from the number of everyday objects inscribed with runes, it is possible that much of the Norse population could read runes. Many of the inscriptions are in the form of memorial stones, such as those illustrated below on this page. These stones are highly public memorials. There's scarcely any reason to erect them if most of the population could not read them. |
| Many everyday objects are found inscribed with the owner's name, or the maker's name, or other messages. Runic inscriptions have been found ranging from trade and legal documents such as bills of sale, all the way to coarse lavatory scribblings. Some runic inscriptions are clearly just for fun; a comb was found inscribed "I am a comb". Some inscriptions may have been the equivalent of "Post-It" notes; one wooden runestick from Bergen is inscribed: "Gytha says come home". | ![]() |
Additional evidence of widespread literacy comes from the Norse literature. In an episode from Morkinskinna (ch 34), it was not considered the least bit remarkable that a poor, unnamed Icelander from the northern quarter was able to read the inscription on a buried treasure chest.
![]() | Wooden writing tablets provide additional evidence of the widespread use of runic writing among ordinary people. The tablet shown in the photos is a modern reproduction. The historic tablets are about 20-30cm high (about 8-12 in) and were filled with blackened wax within their raised borders. A pointed iron stylus was used to write in the wax (top right). The reproduction stylus in the photos is set in an antler which allows a nice grip and which can be used to smooth the wax and erase unwanted writing (bottom right). The wooden surface of historical tablets from the Norse era bear marks where the stylus broke through the wax, and the marks show that the runic alphabet was being used. These tablets are more commonly found in rural areas, rather than in towns, suggesting that even remote farm dwellers could read and write runes. | ![]() |
On the other hand, objects have been found inscribed with runes which appear to be utter nonsense, or filled with errors. Perhaps it made perfect sense to the craftsman who made the object. Or perhaps, realizing that the object he just made needed to decorated with runes, but not knowing the futhork, the artisan simply made up something rune-like.
| The medium of choice for runic inscriptions was probably a stick or scrap of wood, which explains why few runic inscriptions are found today. Extraordinary conditions are required for the preservation of these wood scraps over the centuries since the Norse era. The runic writing shown to the right is one of a number of wooden merchant's markers excavated in Bergen. It indicates the owner's name, and was meant to be stuck in or tied to a pile of merchandise. | ![]() |
![]() | It can be difficult to transcribe and translate runic writings. One difficulty is that there are more sounds in the language than there are runes to represent them. So a single character could represent one of several sounds. Another difficulty is the variations in the various futhork alphabets that were in use during the period. Further, archaic or otherwise unknown words were used in runic inscriptions. Additionally, runes were frequently incorporated into the zoomorphic designs (left) favored by the Norse, with no breaks between words or between sentences. |
| Runes could be written left to right or right to left. The "facing" of the runes makes it clear which way to read. For inscriptions longer than one line, alternating lines were frequently written in opposite directions, first leftwards, then rightwards. Sometimes, the lines bent around at the end, so that one line reads left to right and the next line right to left and upside down. Some rune stones (such as the Rök stone shown to the right) have text crammed onto every surface of the stone, with lines reading upwards, downwards, leftwards, and rightwards. | ![]() |
![]() | Further, runes could be coded into other figures, called cryptic runes, where the number of "twigs" in a figure indicated two numbers. The rune was coded by these two numbers. The first represented a particular ætt (grouping of runes within the futhork), and the second indicated which rune in the grouping was meant. Shown to the left are two figures from a series of cryptic runes in an Icelandic manuscript. The two are skiprúnar (ship runes) where the twigs adorn the stem and stern of the ship. |
With the coming of Christianity, and its educated clergy speaking and writing Latin, runes were displaced by the Roman alphabet (modified to fit the needs of the various northern European languages), written with pen and ink on vellum. However, runes continued to be used for many centuries, since the materials for runic writing were always readily at hand: everyone carried a knife, and a stick could be picked up from anywhere.
The Norse did not develop a written culture until the coming of Christianity and the adoption of the Roman alphabet. Runes were used for short notes only. Runes certainly could have been used for longer messages in the same way as Roman characters. Perhaps the Norse people saw no need to do so. Only a single rune stone containing a complete poem survives, although many stones contain individual verses. In chapter 78 of Egils saga, Þorgerður asks her father Egill to compose a memorial poem, telling him she will carve it into a rune stick (rísta á kefli). Whether that was common practice or not is highly conjectural.
The Rök stone, shown above to the right, is an extraordinary rune stone over four meters high (13 feet) and is covered on all five sides with runic inscriptions. Many of the rune stones, particularly later ones, are memorial stones which served as declarations of inheritance.
Surviving poems show a wide range of topics and tones: respectful and reverent; boastful and proud; witty and humorous; threatening and defiant; vile and obscene. However, scurrilous or satirical poems were banned because of the injury they caused to the subject and to his reputation. Poems, being a divine gift from Óðin (the highest of the gods), were thought to have special power. Poems had the power to bestow honor on a worthy man and to remove honor from a wretch. A skillful poet could earn a valuable reward from a generous king, or save his head from an angry king, by creating a well composed poem.
Poems praising a woman were banned, both because of the publicity and the possible effect it might have on her reputation, but also because of possible spell binding effects the poem might have. (Surviving love poems suggest the ban was regularly ignored.) On hearing certain kinds of poetry (for instance, poetry implying that a man was womanish), a man was at liberty to kill the person reciting the poem. The proscribed types of poetry are described in the medieval Icelandic lawbook Grágás (K 238).
Norse poetry does not have the regular rhythm and end-rhyme that one conventionally associates with poetry, but rather uses alliteration and irregular stress which falls on the most significant words in each line. Norse poetry can be divided into three classes, depending on form and content.
| Rune poems were usually inscribed on monuments and serve to praise an individual. They are brief and usually have a simple meter and style. Eddic poems describe the Norse gods and ancient Norse heroes and their exploits. Eddic poetry also has relatively simple meter and style. The stories are exciting, packed with action, and frequently contain valuable object lessons. Little can be said about the development of eddic poetry, but it was probably in place and in use at the start of the Norse era. Skaldic poems typically praise the deeds of notable people, and they were usually written during the lifetime of the person being praised. While most of the surviving skaldic poetry dates from the medieval period, at least some of the poems are believed to date from the Norse period. The Rök runestone shown above on this page records one stanza of skaldic poetry and dates from the middle of the 9th century. The Karlevi runestone shown to the right is the only skaldic verse in the elaborate dróttkvætt meter known to have been written down in the Viking age. It dates from roughly the year 1000 and is located in Öland in Sweden. While the eddic poetry is uniformly anonymous, much of the surviving skaldic poetry is credited to a particular poet at a particular place and time. | ![]() |
The skaldic poems have complicated meters, strict patterns of alliteration, and ornate metaphoric language, with wordplay to delight the sophisticated listener. The poems usually celebrate the exploits of a particular king or leader, and are thought to be reliable testimony to the events, even though (in some cases) they weren't committed to writing for centuries after their composition. Unfortunately, the factual information in such poetry tends to be limited.
Skaldic poetry uses a variety of circumlocutions, such as kennings. A kenning uses a phrase as a metaphor to represent an idea. The usual form is a noun, qualified by another noun in the genitive case. For instance sweat of the sword is used to mean blood, or horse of the sea to mean ship. Some of the kennings can only be understood by someone with an extensive knowledge of the culture and of the great stories. For example, flame of the Rhine is used to mean gold but would probably be understood only by someone who is familiar with the Völsunga saga in which the great gold treasure of the Völsungar ended up at the bottom of the river Rhine.
Kennings can have multiple levels. For example, a poet might use a kenning for gold, and then use that phrase in place of the word "gold" in yet another kenning, such as flame of the sea-stead's path. Sea-stead's (ship) path is water, so flame of the water refers to gold. Some kennings depend on hyperbole. Enemy of gold refers to a man who does not like gold and gives it away: a generous man. Some kennings take the form of puns, such as using sky of the eel to represent ice in identifying someone as an Icelander.
![]() | The form of Norse poetry is complicated beyond the wordplay of the kennings. The need to fit strict rules of alliteration and rhyming and rhythm result in verses in which multiple ideas are being formed simultaneously. (This concept is illustrated on the skaldic stanza page.) Because Icelandic is a highly inflected language (words change considerably depending on their usage in a sentence), it's possible to jumble the word order yet retain the meaning of a sentence. Norse visual arts share this property (left). Exceedingly complicated forms are used all over a figure to create a single unified image. It's been suggested that this similarity between poetry and visual arts derives from the same underlying sensibility, some innate appreciation of the baroque form in Norse culture. Because of its complexity and wordplay, I wonder whether skaldic poetry could be understood by a listener hearing a verse for the first time. There are examples in the stories that support this belief, such as chapter 18 of Gísla saga. Þordís overheard a verse spoken by her brother, Gísli, in which he took credit for the killing of her husband, Þorgrímr. Not until she returned home did Þordís interpret the verse and understand its meaning. I may be overstating my case. At least one scholar of skaldic poetry has told me that he believes the verses were easily understood by a listener in the saga age. |
Additionally, in an oral culture, it would be important to recall poetry without error. Because of the complexities of Norse verse, a defect in a recalled verse would be immediately apparent, since the rhyme, rhythm, or alliteration would no longer work. Any erroneous substitution would stand out. Thus, the complexity of the verse acted as a mnemonic aid to help recall the verse and to identify errors. This built-in error detection was one of the reasons that information conveyed by poetry during the Viking age was thought to be more reliable than information in prose. The 12th century authors who first wrote the histories and stories of Iceland viewed the words of poets to be more authoritative than other oral sources. Modern scholarship tends to disagree and suggests that in oral form, even poetry is unlikely to remain unchanged over long periods of time.
| Many of the important poems were composed in the 10th through 12th century. These were part of the oral tradition, and were kept alive by repetition as they were passed from one generation to another. Poetry was likely a major form of entertainment for the Norse. Poets were held in high regard, not only for their ability to improvise poetic entertainment on the spot, but also because they were the repository of the shared cultural experience. They were the vessel through which the culture was passed from generation to generation. Once committed to poetry, a thought was expected to last "as long as the land is inhabited" or "as long as the Norse language is spoken". | ![]() |
Beginning in the 12th century, educated men in Iceland, where the oral tradition was strongest, began to write down the important stories. Iceland was unique among European countries at this time in having a population comprised of a large number of relatively free, land-owning farmers. These men had the means to commission the creation of books in their own language, rather than in Latin as was the rule throughout the rest of Europe. The oral story-telling tradition of the Icelanders also favored writings in the vernacular. A wide variety of material was written down in the Icelandic language.
One of the first books was Íslendingabók, a history of Iceland written circa 1130, probably by Ari fróði. Law books were written around this time when Icelandic legislators decided to write down the laws which before had been committed to memory. Scholars wrote books describing how to use Roman letters to represent the sounds of the Icelandic language. The First Grammatical Treatise was followed by three others. The genealogy and history of Icelandic settlers were written down in Landnámabók.
European literature was translated into Icelandic, including stories of the lives of saints, and learned books on topics including astronomy, natural history, and geography. Travel books were written by Icelandic visitors to Europe.
Icelanders also wrote down the stories of their ancestors. These Íslendingasögur (Sagas of Icelanders, also called family sagas) remain compelling and entertaining reading today. Most of these sagas are thought to have been composed in the 13th century. These stories tell of the tales of farmers and chieftains living in Iceland from the 9th through the 12th century. Many of them follow families for generation after generation, from the settlement era to the commonwealth period in Iceland's history. They are distinctive in that they tell heroic tales not about heroes, but about just plain folks: the early Icelanders. Although distorted by the time that separates the events depicted and the writing of the stories, the family sagas present one of the best pictures we have of Norse society.
![]() | We know the names of only a very few of the writers of these works. It was not customary to put the author's name on the manuscript. However, one author who can be identified with some certainty is Snorri Sturluson (1179-1241). A 20th century sculpture of Snorri by Vigeland is shown to the left. Snorri feared that the tradition of composing poetry to commemorate great men and great events was dying. For this, and other reasons, he wrote the Snorra edda, a four part textbook on writing skaldic poetry. The book summarizes Norse mythology (necessary for the poet to understand the kennings), teaches the language of poetry, and presents examples of the various verse forms. The illustration to the right is from the section Gylfaginning (the tricking of Gylfi), showing Gylfi in a contest of wisdom with three Æsir. The book not only provides us with a unique overview of the Norse mythology, but Snorri quotes excerpts from poems and stories as examples of proper form and technique. In most cases, the full works are now lost, so the quotes from Snorra edda are the only way we have any knowledge of these stories. | ![]() |
Over the centuries, the original manuscripts of the old stories were copied, transcribed, combined, interpolated, and edited. Material was deleted and new material written to bridge the gap. In some cases, the original stories may have been distorted, but in some cases, the stories may well have been improved.
None of the surviving manuscripts represent the "original" version of the stories as set down by the first author. All the surviving manuscripts date from well after the time the stories were written down. Thus, each represents a different version of the story, and none represent the "original" version. Both early and late manuscripts survive for some stories, and occasionally, the differences are quite significant.
![]() | In some cases, bored copyists may simply have made scribal errors. Many of the copies were made at the monastery at Þingeyrar. (The Þingeyrar church is shown as it appears today to the left). The monastery held one of medieval Iceland's largest libraries, and it's likely that many of the histories and sagas were composed there, as well. |
Like the poetry, the form of some of these sagas is complicated. Seemingly unrelated plot lines and characters are introduced and dropped and "stranded", only to be picked up later. But the sagas are a "verbal braid" of many strands whose meaning is not stated outright, but implied by the various juxtapositions and intersections. A Norse author of the time compared it to running water, which flows from many sources, yet all comes together to flow into a single place, the sea.
The sagas are narrated in a sparse, objective style. The author rarely tells anything that could not be observed by a witness. Any internal thoughts or emotions a character might have are related to the reader through behavior or dialog observable by a witness. The author rarely explains or judges characters or events and rarely intrudes on the narrative.
| The stories survive today in the form of hand written manuscripts on vellum and (Iater) on paper, dating from the 13th through the 17th century. Scholars combed Iceland during the 17th and 18th century in search of surviving manuscripts. One of the best known of these scholars was the Icelander Árni Magnússon (right). When found, the manuscripts were brought to Denmark (which governed Iceland at that time) for preservation. Tragically, fire swept through Copenhagen in 1728. While the best manuscripts were saved, many lesser works were lost. | ![]() |
![]() | Some of the manuscripts survive only in a single copy. For instance, most of the poems in The Elder Edda exist only in the manuscript called the Codex Regius. On the other hand, seven manuscripts or fragments of Snorri Sturluson's Edda survive. Today, most of the manuscripts have been repatriated to Iceland for safekeeping at Stofnun Árna Magnússonar (the Árni Magnússon Institute) in Reykjavík (left). |
The accuracy of the sagas (especially the Icelandic family sagas) has long been debated. They were not written down until centuries after the events they depict took place. We don't know the authors of any of the sagas. We don't know where or when they were written. Are they factual records or simply stories and legends to while away the hours on long winter nights? Are they a wistful look backwards from the turbulence of the Sturlunga era and the loss of Icelandic independence (in which they were written) back to the golden age of Iceland's settlement (in which they are set)? Are they literary creations, composed by an author, or merely the written transcription of an older oral narrative?
I feel unqualified to step into this scholarly debate and so prefer to use the term "historical novel". On one hand, one takes a risk when one uses a saga as a primary reference or as a source of "facts". On the other hand, the sagas clearly are a valuable resource for information about society and culture and behavioral norms during the Viking age in Iceland.
An introduction to the Sagas of Icelanders and their use as a historical source is available here (700KB pdf file).
The original documents that form the basis for our knowledge of this period were written in Old Icelandic, not far removed from Old Norse, the language spoken throughout northern Europe during the period. The written Icelandic language has changed comparatively little over the centuries, such that modern speakers of Icelandic have less trouble reading the sagas in the original than do modern speakers of English reading Shakespeare, despite the sagas being twice as old. (However, I've recently been told by Icelanders that I overstate the case; the archaic vocabulary and phrasing make it difficult for modern Icelanders to read the sagas in the original.)
Throughout these pages, I've tried to use the Icelandic spelling of names and places. As my knowledge of the language has increased, I've tried to be careful about usage and spelling, but I know I have not been consistent. Limitations in the characters available in HTML require me to use modern Icelandic substitutes in place of some of the old Norse characters.
The Icelandic language has many sounds not present in modern English, and so it uses additional characters to represent those sounds. There are two additional consonants. "Thorn" (Þ þ) which represents the sound "th" as in Thor, and "edh" (Ð ð) which represents the sound "th" as in father.
There are many additional vowel sounds, which are represented by accents (such as á), ligatures (such as æ) and umlauts (such as ö). There are no equivalent sounds in English, so pronounce them as you like.
I have seen several conflicting guides to the pronunciation of old Icelandic. I now understand that some of my confusion relates to my not comprehending all the pronunciation changes and dialect variations that occurred over the centuries that Old Norse was spoken. Since I don't know, I'm not even going to try to provide a guide. Barnes' recent old Norse textbook provides a detailed guide to pronunciation, as well as a fascinating discussion of the differences between old Norse and modern Icelandic pronunciation. I refer interested readers to his text. The full citation is on the references page.
So as not to leave readers totally in the dark about pronunciation, I conclude with an audio recording of a short excerpt from Völuspá performed by Sveinbjörn Beinsteinsson in old Icelandic. This excerpt is the first half-verse from the poem in which the speaker calls for the attention of the audience.
Hlióðs bið ek allar helgar kindir,
meiri ok minni, mögo Heimdallar.

















